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Part IV - Sinn Fein's Democratic Plan for the Pursuit of United Ireland

Published: 12 August, 2005

IV.         Sinn Fein’s Democratic Plan for the Pursuit of a United Ireland

Electoral support for a United Ireland and Consensus Building

Recent elections north and south indicate that Irish reunification is on the people's political agenda.  Over 342,000 Irish voters now support Sinn Fein's vision for Irish Unity.  However, Irish Republicans understand that national self determination will never be freely given just because it is the right thing to do -- not as long as it is perceived by Britain not to be in it's best interests, even though this is probably far from the truth. 

Clearly, Irish National Sovereignty must be won through a program of political struggle and garnering popular support among all sections of the Irish people on a 32 county basis, not for ideological or partisan interests,  but for intelligent self interest and in the best interests and prosperity of future generations of Irish people.  Claims that there is no desire for reunification do not stand up to scrutiny.

The Economics of Unity

On 20 July 2004, Sinn Fein spokesperson on All Ireland Integration, West Tyrone MLA Barry McElduff, made the case for Irish unity from an economic perspective:

"Sinn Fein have consistently argued that the Six County State is a failed political and economic entity.  Irish reunification has the potential to create a real momentum and release the undoubted potential of people right across this island.  Increasing numbers of people also now advocate for a single island economy because they recognize its potential. Reunification would require substantial investment across the Ireland to re-establish the transport and communications infrastructure but also in terms of connecting economies and the creative and knowledge based Centre across the island.

"It is illogical that a small island nation of slightly over 5 million people should have two political structures, two economies, two transport systems, two education, agriculture, health, tourism etc. systems. This duplication requires two bureaucracies that if challenged could generate significant new money for expenditure on front line services and infrastructure. There are real savings that can be made by removing duplication, in pooling resources and in developing economies of scale.

"The British government has failed to invest in the 6 counties for decades and 10 years on from the first IRA cessation we have still not seen a genuine peace dividend. Addressing the legacy of under investment and a genuine peace dividend has the potential to enable rapid economic development particularly in border communities, where it is impossible to ignore the negative social and economic impact of the border, and through investment in infrastructure.

"There should also be a sense of urgency in developing an all Ireland approach within a rapidly changing Europe, particularly in protecting Ireland's interests in EU negotiations. Agriculture is a prime example of a sector where Ireland's collective EU contribution warrants a single policy and its effective articulation in Brussels. Unleashing the potential of working together on this small island will enhance the future of our farming and fishing communities and help provide a better future for rural Ireland."

Sinn Fein's "All-Ireland Parliamentary Group"

On 11 December 2003, Sinn Fein's "All-Ireland Parliamentary Group" held its first meeting.  In attendance were Sinn Fein TDs from the south and Members of the Legislative Assembly from the north.  Sinn Fein, the oldest active political party in Ireland and the only political party that with elected representatives on both sides of the boarder, has always understood that a sovereign and independent Ireland is not only the best hope for peace, justice, and prosperity, but the inalienable right of the Irish people. 

Sinn Fein Dail Group Leader Caoimgh'n O Caolain, described the establishment of the party's All-Ireland Parliamentary Group as an important part of SF's program preparing for Irish Unity and said "it will have as its ultimate aim the creation of an all-Ireland national parliament."

Deputy O Caolain said: "Today is the inaugural meeting of Sinn Fein's All-Ireland Parliamentary Group. It is an important initiative and is a logical step given the universal acceptance of all-Ireland approaches and political institutions.

"While Sinn Fein TDs and MLAs have been meeting for some time now, to discuss policies and issues of mutual concern, this is the first time that a parliamentary forum has been formally set up within the party. It will have a number of key aims including:   the coming together of our TDs and Assembly members to develop legislation on an all-Ireland basis;   driving Sinn Fein's all-Ireland strategy;  working for the creation of an all-Ireland national parliament;   implementing our 10-point plan for Irish unity launched during the Assembly elections;    developing our strategy document 'Reunification through Planned Integration';  and increased cross border co-operation in order to minimize the negative impact the border has on the social and economic life of the island.

"This work will happen on a community, local and regional basis and also involve Local Government, the Dail, the Assembly and the all Ireland institutions. It would logically lead to much more co-operation, and pooled sovereignty, in areas such as energy, communications, agriculture and rural development, tourism, transport, environment, education and health.

"We do not underestimate the challenges that lie ahead in all of this but we are determined to build on the progress which has already been made.

"Sinn Fein has a roadmap for Irish Unity and the establishment of our new All-Ireland Parliamentary Forum will take the United Ireland agenda decisively forward." 

Sinn Fein's 10 Point Plan for Irish Unity

Sinn Fein is setting the All-Ireland agenda and preparing for Irish Unity through:

* A Green Paper for Irish Unity in the Dail

* Attendance in the Dail for the 18 Westminster MPs

* All-Ireland democratic representation in the Seanad

* Votes for citizens in the six counties in Presidential elections

* Building the work of the All-Ireland Ministerial Council

* An All-Ireland Consultative Forum

* An All-Ireland Charter of Rights

* Integrated services and infrastructure along the border

* Increased action, co-operation and harmonization in Heath, Education and key departments

* Extension of the Irish passport scheme across the six counties

“The Liberation of Ireland

PAUL O'CONNOR [of The Pat Finucane Centre] reflects on the meaning of freedom and the need to oust the colonialism of the mind

“As republicans, our aim is the liberation of Ireland. Political liberation is central to this; but to be of real value, it must be accompanied by social and economic liberation, and liberation from the mind-forged manacles of colonial and consumerist ideology. Kevin Myers and Eoghan Harris do not reflect the opinions of the majority of Irish people. But their views are shared by a well-heeled and influential minority. The very fact they have such high-profile platforms in the 26-county media is an indication that political independence alone does not equate with freedom. And without a people liberated and empowered, even political independence will never be more than precarious. The truth of this is demonstrated by the 26-county state, which has managed the extraordinary feat of selling itself to Europe and America at the same time, while continuing to act as though Britain held the title deeds to the island.

“The meaning of freedom for Irish republicans is laid out clearly by Patrick Pearse. Irish freedom, he wrote, means "not a limited freedom, a freedom conditioned by the interests of another nation, but absolute freedom, the sovereign control of Irish destinies; not the freedom of a class, but the freedom of a people; not the freedom of a geographical fragment of Ireland, but the freedom of all Ireland, of every sod of Ireland."

“Plainly, Ireland is not free while a million and a half of her people can be deprived of the right to vote by the arbitrary fiat of a British minister. Plainly, Ireland is not free while her hills bristle with British watchtowers and six of her counties are a training ground for British troops. The nature of the British presence in Ireland has not changed, as the cancellation of the Assembly elections has shown. Britain may claim to have no selfish interest in Ireland, but her occupation of this island is founded upon, and inseparable from, the denial of basic democracy to the Irish people.

“Plainly also, Ireland is not free while we have no currency of our own; while the most basic economic decisions, such as the setting of interest rates, are taken by a clutch of unelected bankers in Frankfurt. A mesh of European directives now covers every aspect of social and economic policy, and the pressure is building to give Brussels the power to set Irish rates of taxation.

“But liberation from British rule, from Europe's economic diktat, must go hand in hand with the construction of a new democracy within Ireland, with the empowerment of Irish people. Not only should the winning of external independence pave the way to justice and equality at home; unless we empower our people, we can neither win nor keep political independence in the first place. The failures of the 26-county state arise from its being founded on - to paraphrase Pearse - not the freedom of a people, but the freedom of a class. The Irish revolution was strangled in its infancy when the bourgeoisie split from the independence movement, signed the Treaty with England, and using weapons supplied by Churchill and Lloyd George, waded to power through the blood of their erstwhile comrades. As a consequence, partition was set in stone, social injustice buttressed, and Ireland hard-wired into a world economic system built upon inequality and exploitation.

“As republicans and democrats we believe that sovereignty resides in the people. And by "the people", we mean all the people, not some privileged class or group. The liberation of Ireland requires the empowerment of Irish people, as individuals and communities, to take control over their lives and have a real input into the decisions that affect them. It means politics should cease to be a game of musical chairs in Leinster House and be brought back to the people to be debated in community halls and meeting places about the country. It requires the revitalization of local democracy, with radical reforms giving real power to local authorities and making council officials genuinely answerable to the elected representatives. It requires democratic control of the media, perhaps through state support for community-based radio and television stations.

“Nor can we have true democracy in Ireland while economic power remains concentrated in the hands of a tiny minority, or in the overseas headquarters of multinational corporations. The liberation of Ireland requires the economic as well as political empowerment of our people. That is why social radicalism has always been a core value of republicans. In the 19th century, the struggle for national independence was bound up with the struggle to regain ownership of the land; and the revolutionaries of 1916 and 1919 made the social agenda of the Proclamation and Democratic Programme a key part of their republican objectives. For today's republicans, the challenge is to develop economic alternatives built around the empowerment of workers and consumers - alternatives that will reduce our dependence on a global economy based on the perpetuation of inequality, and dominated by the anti-democratic power of multinational conglomerates.

“Last, but not least, the liberation of Ireland means the overthrow of the colonialism of the mind; it requires that we drive out the garrison from our thoughts.

“In a free Ireland, our media will no longer present the grotesque spectacle of Irish journalists dipping their pens in the blood of Iraqi and Afghan children to defend colonial wars of conquest. In a free Ireland, historians will not dedicate their careers to robbing their people of the history of resistance, which should be our greatest pride.

“It is high time to stop our slavish aping of the latest fashions in economics, politics and culture, and have the courage to follow our own path without fearing a rap on the knuckles from Europe or a backlash from the multinationals. The road to freedom stretches out on the far side of the boundaries that others would set to our thoughts.”

“Prepare for Re-Unification”  [From Gerry Adams' Presidential Address, Sinn Fein Ard Fheis 2003]

There are very few unionists who would put their hand on their hearts today and say with conviction that Irish unity will never happen. That being the case it is incumbent on all of us to prepare for this and to lead by example - to build bridges. This particularly applies to the two governments.

The message should be - prepare for re-unification.

The majority of people in this state want this. Four of the six counties in the North already vote for those parties who would claim to be pro-united Ireland, as do the majority of people in Belfast. And the numbers voting for pro-united Ireland parties in the other two counties is growing by the day.

It is, therefore, incumbent on the two governments to have in place plans and mechanisms to ensure a smooth transition when the time arrives.

I am not pointing out these facts in order to frighten or further destabilize unionism but because I believe that many unionists also recognize the change that is taking place.

Their fears must be addressed in a comprehensive manner, which will secure assurances and guarantees to satisfy misgivings. We have a responsibility to reassure unionists and to guarantee their rights in concrete terms.

Unionists should not ignore the fact that they represent 20 per cent of the population of this island. Their potential is greater in an Irish state which wants their vital and essential contribution, than it is as two per cent of a British state which has consistently demonstrated no real interest in them, except when it serves their own interest.

What sort of future can it be?

Imagine an Ireland in which there is no more war - no more conflict, an Ireland in which the guns and bombs are silent forever, an Ireland in which the words of hate are silent - forever.

Imagine the people of this island free from division, foreign occupation, injustice and conflict.

Imagine the five million people of our small island applying our collective energy, our intelligence, our wisdom to produce the wealth to improve the quality of life for all our people.

Imagine an Ireland using that wealth to tackle poverty, to build homes, to educate, to protect the environment, to heal the sick, to help the weak, the aged, all the children of the nation.

George Bernard Shaw once said, 'Some people see things as they are and ask why? I dream things that never were and ask why not.' This party is determined to rebuild the political process and to keep the peace process intact.

We are living through a time of great hope, great risk and great opportunity. No one ever said that any of this was going to be easy. Freedom never comes easily. All history teaches us that. But history also teaches us that the determined movement of people organized, and resolutely demanding their rights will win through. That is what we have to do. That is what we will do.

There is no way back. There is only one way - and that is forward.

From Sinn Fein's All Ireland Strategy Paper

Vision Statement:  Develop and promote a comprehensive all Ireland agenda that is consistent with and furthers the republican objective of Irish Unity premised on self-determination, social and economic justice and political and cultural equality.

For information about how you can work for a United Ireland of Equals, contact:  Irish Northern Aid c/o Political Education Dep’t., 363 Seventh Avenue, NY, NY 10001; 212-736-1916; 1 800-IREALND;  www.inac.org

 


                                                      Pro-Agreement Mural

The Good Friday Agreement of 1998 has begun to figure in murals, with demands that the promises of that Agreement for the nationalist population be delivered. For example, a mural painted on Garvaghy Road, Portadown in July 1998 quotes one such promise – ‘freedom from sectarian harassment’ – and juxtaposes this with the threat of unwanted Orange Order marches in the area. Three dancers, signifying Irish culture, are dwarfed by a looming Orange Order member who holds a petrol bomb; the flames from the bottle are red, white and blue, the British colors. Prophetically, this mural was completed two days before three young nationalist children were burnt to death in Ballymoney, County Antrim, by loyalists protesting at the failure of Orange Order marchers to proceed along the Garvaghy Road